How accurate are these numbers and why are they
alarmingly low?
California, like may other states, has had difficulty responding to this
question on the Federal Application. This is because the data
currently collected by the State Department of Education does not tell us with much accuracy what percentage of teachers are "highly
qualified." There are at least two key pieces of data that are
missing:
1. The percentage of elementary teachers who have
passed a rigorous state assessment. In order to be classified as
"highly qualified" by NCLB, an elementary level teacher must pass such a
test, but according to the state's estimate, only 60% in 2002-03 have
done so. The remaining 40% have complied with the state's subject
matter requirement by completing an approved undergraduate subject
matter program. California will soon require all credential
candidates to pass a subject matter examination before they can earn a
teaching credential.
2. The percentage of secondary core academic subject
class teachers who have earned their supplementary authorizations by
completing a major or major equivalent of credits. In order to be
classified as "highly qualified" by NCLB, a high school teacher who
teaches a core academic class has several options: one may pass a
state-approved subject matter examination or complete one of these
coursework options: A) a state-approved subject matter program, or B) a
major, or C) a major equivalent, or D) possess a graduate degree in the
core area.
According to the state's estimate, however, only 25% in
2002-03 have done so. Many of the others have been authorized
to teach by virtue of provisions in the state education code that have
allowed districts to rely on the observations and judgments of site
principals. This means that even without completing a major or
passing a subject matter test in the field, a high school teacher in
California could be assigned to teach a course if the site principal
says he or she is capable of doing so and the local board of trustees is willing to approve the assignment. (Read
more about out-of-field middle and high school teachers.)
The state's estimates are so low partly because
California has not been able (or, some would day, willing) to solve a
long-standing staffing problem in its schools that was made much worse
when class-size reduction was implemented several years ago. Another
reason for the low estimates is the fact that the federal definition of a highly qualified
teacher and the one implicit in California's present credential
requirements are misaligned.
Will California meet the 2005-06 deadline imposed by
NCLB?
Few education officials in California are willing to admit publicly that
Title I schools here will not meet the deadline. In fact, all five
of the human resources administrators who
responded to an interview about NCLB predicted that their large
urban school districts would be in compliance with NCLB in 2005-06.
But there are good reasons to believe many schools will not make
it. From 2000 to 2003, California was able to reduce the percentage of
underqualified teachers only by an average annual rate of 9%. And that
happened during a period when millions of dollars were invested by the state
on new teacher recruitment programs--programs which were cut in 2003.
According to projections that
appear on the Charts and Tables page of this website, the state would
have to make annual reductions in non-highly qualified teachers at a
rate of 60% in order to meet the 2005-06 deadline.
How will the Federal Department of Education respond to districts
that are out of compliance with NCLB? Will it withhold funds as it
is entitled to do? If so, what will be the fate of students whose
schools are unable to attract and keep highly qualified teachers and now
have to get by without millions of dollars in federal assistance?
NCLB allows students to attend other schools if theirs do not make
adequate academic progress (which would likely with the loss of federal
funding), but will there space in nearby schools and transportation to
get them there for those whose parents want them to leave? If the
Feds do not withhold funds to schools that are out-of-compliance, then
will districts simply stop working to solve the staffing challenge in
the absence of a sanction?
But what if significant reductions are made and many districts do
achieve compliance in 2005-06? This would be good news indeed but this
scenario also raises some intriguing questions: Why was so much progress
made now when so little was made in recent years? Would it indicate
that schools districts were capable all along of ensuring that their
students--especially those from low-income families--have access to highly
qualified teachers? Would it indicate that change of this sort is
only possible under the threat of serious government sanctions?
While the answers to these questions are unclear now, they will emerge
with increasingly clarity in the very near future.